Twentieth Century Chronicle

Page 123

On January 11, Duan Qirui's troops sent a telegram stating that the Russian troops in the Chaoyang area had laid down their arms and surrendered. They decided to advance to Yixian, Beizhen, and other places to cut off the railway line between Jinzhou and Fengtian. Upon receiving this telegram, even the Beiyang generals were excited, as they realized that an opportunity to counterattack had arrived.

The best time to attack an army is when it exposes its back. And the Russian troops at the Gaoqiao front had no choice but to expose their backs if they wanted to retreat. Wang Zhanyuan and his men were eager to avenge their humiliation of the previous days.

This opportunity finally came to light on the afternoon of January 12. A telegram from the rear of the Russian army indicated that the Russian army was reloading artillery and supplies onto trains to transport them back to Jinzhou, which meant that the Russian army was finally planning to withdraw.

Therefore, at the military conference that evening, the generals, including the Beiyang generals, unanimously agreed to launch an attack the next day. The 13th Division would launch an attack from the west of the railway line, the 2nd Division from the east of the railway line, and the 4th Division would serve as the general reserve.

At 9:1 AM on January 13, Chinese artillery positions in the direction of Gaoqiao launched a fierce barrage against Russian positions. In the previous few days, Chinese artillery had only engaged Russian infantry in probing attacks, and the density of the artillery fire was not high. Therefore, the Russians believed that the number of Chinese artillery pieces was not large, around 20-30.

This assessment initially relieved the Russian frontline troops, as they could only bring 46 artillery pieces. Previously, the West Manchuria Group had more than 300 artillery pieces, but after the Zhangjiakou Detachment's failed attack, the Russian high command realized that it would be difficult for them to penetrate into North China, and therefore stopped adding artillery to the West Manchuria Group.

The entry of the Japanese army into the war led to a shortage of firepower for the South Manchurian forces. The entire South Manchurian forces had less than 1200 cannons, a quarter of which were in the West Manchurian Group. The defeats in the Yalu River, Phoenix City, and Jinzhou battles caused the Russian army to lose a lot of cannons. Therefore, Kuropatkin had to transfer cannons and machine guns from the West Manchurian battlefield where the fighting had eased.

After losing forward positions such as Xingcheng and Huludao, the Russian army in Jinzhou was left with only 76 cannons, with the remaining 30 to 40 cannons located in Yixian and Chaoyang. Therefore, being able to spare 46 cannons to attack Gaoqiao was already the maximum effort the Russian army in Jinzhou could muster. This is why the Russian army prioritized transporting artillery back to Jinzhou after deciding to retreat; to hold Jinzhou, these cannons were essential as defensive strongholds.

However, the Chinese artillery firing this morning made the Russian army realize that the Chinese had kept at least two-thirds or three-quarters of their artillery unused, and that the Russian positions were actually just a very simple breastwork and a shallow trench, mainly used to cover the enemy's line of sight, and had little ability to protect against artillery fire.

Therefore, this round of artillery fire by the Chinese quickly revealed the true situation and weaknesses of the Russian army's front lines. Major General Dombrovsky then faced an extremely difficult choice: he could either send a contingent of troops to hold off the Chinese, allowing the rest of the army to retreat, or he could leave the entire army behind to resist the Chinese attack and retreat only after defeating the Chinese.

Most people at the front-line command advocated the second option because they felt it was inappropriate to leave anyone behind. The troops left behind would inevitably be torn to shreds by the Chinese, which meant it was a mission that would inevitably end in death. How many people would have such a high level of awareness?

Of course, some people think the second option is not appropriate because the Chinese have too many cannons, and they do not have cannons to counter them. This means that they would have to use their bodies to withstand the Chinese artillery fire. Can they really fight such a battle? They are no longer in the early stages of the war with high morale, nor are they defending their own territory. The soldiers may not be able to endure such one-sided artillery bombardment.

However, Major General Dombrovsky ultimately supported the majority opinion. On the one hand, he could not choose who to stay behind to resist the Chinese attack. On the other hand, he felt that the Chinese were still lacking in field combat capabilities based on the previous days' battles. Therefore, he had a wishful thinking that he could withstand one or two attacks from the enemy.

However, when the Chinese ceased their artillery fire and began their infantry offensive, Major General Dombrovsky, who was observing the situation at the front, quickly regretted his decision. The Chinese were not only using infantry; accompanying them was an armored train. This train, loaded with machine guns and artillery, advanced along the tracks, providing the Chinese infantry with powerful firepower and incidentally separating the Russian troops on either side of the railway line.

Using armored trains as a firepower stronghold, the Chinese continuously broke through the center of the Russian positions. The Russians lacked heavy firepower to destroy the armored trains, and their infantry could hardly get close to the armored trains protected by Chinese infantry. So they could only watch as the Chinese used these armored trains to tear through the Russian defenses. Faced with such power, the so-called battlefield command ability was hard to make up for. The Russian soldiers quickly lost their will to fight and began to flee one by one, then in rows and rows.

Although Major General Dombrovsky ordered officers to organize an interception force in an attempt to gather the fleeing soldiers, the situation quickly spiraled out of control due to the ever-increasing number of deserters. By 1 p.m., the entire 71st Siberian Division had collapsed, with tens of thousands of Russian soldiers fleeing along the railway line without ever looking back. Soldiers of the 72nd Division, influenced by the fleeing soldiers of the 71st Division, also abandoned their duties and deserted.

Major General Dombrovsky crossed the Daughter River at midnight that night and arrived at Yangquanzi, west of Jinzhou City, where he began to gather the routed troops. This day was also a day of great ups and downs for Lieutenant General Sobolov in Jinzhou City. He had just received news of the recapture of Yixian in the morning, but in the afternoon he received news of the defeat of the 71st and 72nd Divisions.

By the morning of the 14th, Lieutenant General Sobolov had received more concrete intelligence that the 71st Division had completely lost its organizational structure, even more so than the 17th Division. He could no longer expect the 71st Division to do anything in this war; less than a third of the entire division had escaped and it had completely lost its organizational structure.

The 72nd Division fared slightly better, as it received orders to prepare for withdrawal before deploying its battle formation. As a result, the 72nd Division retained a relatively intact organization during its retreat. However, faced with the defeat of the 71st Division, the morale of this army was extremely low, and they strongly requested to enter Jinzhou City for defense.

Only the cavalry unit led by General Samsonov was still fighting hard, delaying the Chinese army's advance, but the general also sent someone to report to him, "We have done our best, and the boys are very brave, but you can't expect us to stop the attack of tens of thousands of Chinese troops... Now is the time to make a decision."

Lieutenant General Sobolov understood what General Samsonov meant by "decision": it required him to ask Commander-in-Chief Kuropatkin for permission to withdraw from Jinzhou, otherwise they would be trapped in the city by the Chinese.

While Lieutenant General Sobolov was pondering this, the railway line from Montenegro to Xinminfu was attacked by Chinese troops that same day. In fact, Yixian was not captured by the Russian army, but was abandoned by the Chinese voluntarily. The Chinese voluntarily abandoned Yixian in order to prepare for a greater attack on the railway line when the Russian army redeployed nearby troops to the vicinity of Yixian.

The Chinese army was able to mobilize forces to attack Russian strongholds along the railway line from Heishan to Xinminfu because the local militias immediately sent people to surrender to the imperial court after Mi Zhenbiao captured Yixian. There were two major forces outside the Great Wall: one was the bandit gangs, more commonly known as Red Beard or horse bandits; the other was the local militias, which, although they were established as joint village security forces to fight against Red Beard, were actually local tyrants.

The Russians' invasion of Northeast China, aimed at protecting railway lines while also seizing land and mineral resources, naturally angered both sides. Coupled with the nationalist sentiment fueled by the Boxer Protocol, a large number of bandit groups and security forces joined the anti-Russian struggle.

The most notorious bandit force in western Liaoning was Du Lishan's army, while the most famous local militia was Feng Lingge's large regiment, known as the "108th Regiment." They had previously received appointments from the Beiyang government through clandestine channels, tasked with harassing Russian logistics. Now that the imperial court had reached western Liaoning, these militias were naturally even more excited, hoping to accumulate more merit and truly transform themselves into officials.

Therefore, Feng Lingge not only personally visited Mi Zhenbiao in Yixian, but also advised him that it would be better to take advantage of the fact that the Russian army was attracted by Yixian and instead attack the Russian strongholds in Heishan and Xinmin. In this way, even if the Russian army recaptured Yixian, they would still be unable to restore railway transportation.

Liu Gong, the political commissar of the 14th Division who rushed from Chaoyang, agreed with Feng Lingge's opinion. Therefore, before the Russian army's attack, they moved from Yixian and, in conjunction with the Liaoxi militia and bandit groups, launched an attack on Russian strongholds along the Heishan-Xinminfu line on the 14th, sabotaging that section of the railway. This disruptive operation not only caused Lieutenant General Sobolov considerable trouble, but also shocked the Russian military headquarters in Fengtian.

Chapter 437 The End of the Battle of Liaoyang

Although Kuropatkin knew that the Russian forces in Jinzhou were facing a counterattack from the Chinese army, he believed that even if the Russians couldn't break through the Chinese defensive positions, they wouldn't necessarily lose their own. Therefore, Jinzhou was safe at least until the end of the Battle of Liaoyang. Once he repelled the Japanese offensive, he could then turn around and provide some support to Lieutenant General Sobolov.

However, the Battle of Liaoyang did not go as smoothly as he had imagined. Although Kuropatkin established a fairly solid defensive line based in Liaoyang, luck did not seem to be on Russia's side. Not to mention that the Japanese suddenly captured Vladivostok during this period, which not only hit the morale of the Russian army, but also forced the Russian army to devote its forces to northern Manchuria, thus weakening the Russian army in southern Manchuria.

The Russian army also had bad luck during the war. Lieutenant General Kler, who commanded the troops east of Liaoyang, was unexpectedly killed when he was hit by a barrage of Japanese artillery fire while inspecting the front lines. This caused great chaos in the Russian command at the front, allowing the Japanese to capture several key points in succession.

In the early stages of the Japanese involvement in the war, Kuropatkin shared a similar view with most Russians: the Japanese army had only gained a temporary advantage through surprise attacks, and once both sides engaged in a real, head-on battle, the Russian army would surely emerge victorious.

However, judging from the Battle of Liaoyang, the Russian army suddenly realized that the Japanese were not the small, sneaky attackers they had imagined. While battles with the Chinese often didn't end on the main battlefield, the Japanese were the first opponent the Russian army acknowledged as difficult to defeat even on the main battlefield, because they employed European-style tactics.

After nearly a month of fighting, the Russian army realized that it seemed to be fighting no differently than the European army. The Japanese also focused on artillery suppression and attacked their positions with dense crowds. It was in these two aspects that the Russian army could not withstand the Japanese offensive, which is why it repeatedly lost the advantageous terrain around Liaoyang.

Another major problem troubling Kuropatkin was that although he had over 20 troops at his disposal, he had no idea which of these troops were usable and which were not. "Usable" here refers to whether they could carry out the orders issued by headquarters. For example, a unit like the 54th Division, nominally a division in strength, was practically incapable of functioning as a division in combat.

After Major General Orlov's failed attempt to reinforce Chaoyang with part of the 54th Division, the remaining 54th Division troops stationed along the railway line became completely disorganized, to the point that they were largely wiped out by a group of bandits. Placing such a division in any crucial position on the battlefield would only be digging their own grave.

Therefore, Kuropatkin was drawing battalions and regiments from various units to reorganize combat-ready detachments to ensure the smooth implementation of his operational plans. However, before his reorganization was complete, problems arose in Jinzhou.

At this point, Kuropatkin believed that the Battle of Liaoyang could not continue. If the Chinese were to attack the railway lines in Fengtian and Tieling from the flank, the Russian army would be exposing its back to the Chinese.

With this in mind, Kuropatkin believed that the Russian army should be withdrawn to the vicinity of Fengtian (Shenyang), then the weaker Chinese army should be defeated first, and then a decisive battle with the Japanese army should be fought in Fengtian. Therefore, on January 16, Kuropatkin issued a retreat order to the Russian army at the Liaoyang front.

Although the Russian and Japanese forces on the Liaoyang front were still locked in a stalemate, with the Russians not clearly at a disadvantage, their morale was extremely low. Reports submitted to Kuropatkin by frontline Russian commanders were filled with pessimism, citing reasons such as insufficient ammunition for one unit, heavy losses requiring reinforcements, and even instances of individual commanders withdrawing on the grounds that their troops were unable to continue fighting.

The pessimistic views of these frontline Russian commanders profoundly influenced Kuropatkin's decision, making him hesitant to continue the campaign without adequate security in the rear.

However, the Russian army's voluntary withdrawal was not seen by outsiders as a strategic move, but rather as yet another defeat for the Russian army. Since the Japanese army joined the war, observers from various countries have focused their attention on the battlefield of the Russo-Japanese War.

On the one hand, the naval confrontation between Japan and Russia did indeed attract the attention of the great powers. Excluding the First Sino-Japanese War, this was the first large-scale naval confrontation since the advent of battleships, and therefore naturally garnered the greatest attention from the major powers. Everyone wanted to know what valuable lessons could be learned from such a large-scale fleet confrontation.

On the other hand, while the Chinese army performed well in positional warfare, the lack of ambition among the Chinese made the war between China and Russia rather dull. Although the Russian Western Route Army's attack on Zhangjiakou was somewhat interesting, the Chinese victory was not achieved through direct combat, but rather through terrain and cutting off Russian supplies. Such a war hardly reflects the capabilities of either side's armies, and naturally, it's difficult to maintain sustained interest.

In contrast, Japan and Russia's strategy of seizing naval supremacy and then launching large-scale land battles was not much different from European warfare. This mode of warfare was familiar and understandable to European countries, so naturally everyone was willing to pay attention and comment on the tactical capabilities of both sides based on their own experience.

From the perspective of these European observers, China's victory in this war between the three countries largely relied on luck or poor logistical support from the Russian army, while Japan's victory was a genuine triumph for both its military and the nation. With this assessment, capital markets in various countries were able to place bets on the public bonds issued by the belligerent nations.

Therefore, although the losses on both sides in the Battle of Liaoyang were roughly the same, with casualties on both sides exceeding 20000, with Japan slightly higher, the Russian army's voluntary withdrawal from the battle caused a major setback for Russian government bonds in the international market.

In fact, when the Japanese army captured Vladivostok, Russian bonds were already difficult to sell on the international market. Now, with the outcome of the Battle of Liaoyang, international capital's confidence in Russian bonds has been greatly damaged.

The lack of interest in Russian government bonds on the international market prompted the Russian Finance Minister to warn Nicholas II at an imperial conference: "...by the end of 1906, we have already spent 600 million rubles on this war, and by the end of February, we must immediately pay a bill of 147 million rubles."

American and French capitalists believe that the defeat at the Battle of Liaoyang foreshadowed our own defeat, and therefore they refuse to continue purchasing our war bonds. Conversely, Japanese bonds are in high demand in London and New York, and American capitalists are even planning to distribute 250 million francs worth of new Japanese bonds in Paris; we are contacting our French friends to stop them.

In order to salvage our country's image in French newspapers, we have to pay French newspapers at least 33 francs every month…”

Although the Chancellor of the Exchequer did not formally oppose continuing the war, every word of his report at the Imperial Council was telling Nicholas II that it was time to end the war.

Not only did the Chancellor of the Exchequer share this view, but the Foreign Minister also subtly suggested to Nicholas II that perhaps it was time to reach a respectable peace with China and Japan through a third country.

However, Nicholas II refused to acknowledge Russia's defeat. Although the war broke out under the instigation of the Far Eastern faction of the Empire, it was Nicholas II himself who made the decision. If he were to admit defeat, he would have to take responsibility for it, such as relinquishing his power and accepting the political reforms proposed by the liberals; otherwise, he would not gain the understanding of the people.

Nicholas II believed that Russia should not request peace after suffering defeats, as this was seen by the people as tantamount to surrender. Especially given that Russia's opponents this time were two weak Eastern nations, the people found it difficult to comprehend such a defeat. This was not just Nicholas II's wild speculation; after news of the fall of Vladivostok reached Europe, the domestic mass movement immediately escalated, with some even openly commemorating the previous year's Bloody Sunday.

If he were to admit at this point that Russia had already lost the war, then Russia would likely face a revolution. Russia's honor was now inextricably linked to the legitimacy of the Tsar's rule, and Nicholas II could not sever this connection, so he had no choice but to defend Russia's honor to the death.

Therefore, Nicholas II transferred General Oscar Gripenberger, commander-in-chief of the Vilna Military District, to the Far East to serve as commander-in-chief of the Second Army, and also hinted to the general that he would have the opportunity to replace Kuropatkin as commander-in-chief of the Russian Far East Army. However, St. Petersburg did not only give such hints to General Gripenberger, but also to General Linevich of the First Army and General Kaulbas of the Third Army.

Perhaps St. Petersburg was trying to inspire a sense of honor in the generals and motivate them to fight for the great Tsar, but just as the appointments of Kuropatkin and Makarov by St. Petersburg had undermined the power of the Governor-General of the Far East, these generals, under St. Petersburg's influence, were now beginning to regard Kuropatkin as a superior who was about to be ousted.

In addition, Nicholas II also telegraphed General Rozhestvensky, who was stationed on Be Island in Madagascar, approving his adventurous plan.

On January 5, 1907, the main fleet of the Second Pacific Fleet, led by Admiral Rozhestvensky, had arrived at Madagascar, a French colony. However, the French were unwilling to allow the Russian fleet to remain there for an extended period. Rozhestvensky's reason for staying in Madagascar was to wait for the auxiliary fleet to pass through the Suez Canal. Compared to the stormy waters of the Cape of Good Hope, the calm Suez Canal was clearly more suitable for the auxiliary fleet's passage.

However, the Russians clearly hadn't anticipated the British's shamelessness. The British used various pretexts to delay the Russian auxiliary fleet's passage through the Suez Canal, citing the Russians' alleged disruption of Red Sea shipping by disguising themselves as transport ships. The Russians could only engage in legal battles with the British, but this did little to change the fact that the auxiliary fleet was stuck in the Mediterranean.

At this time, news of the fall of Vladivostok arrived again. Rozhestvensky finally could not bear it any longer and sent a telegram to St. Petersburg, suggesting that he take 7 battleships and 2 armored cruisers to Port Arthur first, and then join forces with the Port Arthur fleet to engage in a decisive battle with the Japanese navy. This was at least better than the fleet staying in Madagascar and basking in the sun.

Chapter 438 British Diplomacy in Tightening

The successive defeats of the Russian army by the Chinese and Japanese forces surprised even Britain and France, who had been hoping for a Russian setback in the Far East. While they hoped Russia would suffer a major defeat in the Far East, they did not expect to see such an incompetent Russian army, as this would only embolden the ambitions of Germany and Austria-Hungary.

The reason Europe was able to maintain peace was because Germany and Austria-Hungary felt they couldn't defeat the Franco-Russian alliance, or rather, given the uncertainty surrounding Britain's stance, if these two blocs were to go to war, the British would be the decisive factor. Everyone was well aware of Britain's balance-of-power diplomacy and therefore had no desire to allow Britain to continue controlling the situation on the European continent.

But now the Russian army is performing so poorly against two Eastern armies. Although Japan is a student of Europe, European countries do not believe that the Japanese army can compare with the Russian army. At best, they believe that the Japanese army is at a similar level to the armies of small Eastern European countries. Although it has received European-style training, it cannot truly confront the armies of major powers.

Therefore, Japan's surprise attack on Russia was an acceptable victory. However, when the war entered the formal combat phase, the Russian army should have gained a slight advantage. This is how various countries assessed the armies of both Japan and Russia. If this assessment of combat capabilities is flawed, it means that world peace is beginning to crumble.

Because world peace in the past was based on the premise that the fighting power of the armies of major powers could not be defeated by small countries. Once the fighting power of the armies of major powers is underestimated, then it is inevitable that small countries will use war to change the regional balance of power.

The Crimean War demonstrated that a single great power cannot contend with the strength of two great powers, while the Franco-Prussian War proved that Prussia had transformed from a small nation into a great power, and the First Sino-Japanese War elevated Japan from a small nation into a major power. All these wars demonstrate that when a great power is unable to effectively control its sphere of influence, a change in the regional landscape is inevitable.

Britain sought a balance of power in the Far East, meaning it hoped that China and Japan could contain Russia's ambitions, but it did not want to see Russia completely disappear from the Far East, as that would be a disaster for Britain's Far East policy. Without Russia balancing China and Japan in the Far East, it meant that Britain would have to maintain European interests in East Asia on its own, a clearly impossible task for a British Empire that had already begun to withdraw its global influence.

Upon hearing the news of the Russian defeat at the Battle of Liaoyang, British Foreign Secretary Edward Gray explained Britain's foreign policy in the Far East to Prime Minister Campbell Bannerman in this way: "...What we need in the Far East is a wounded Russia, because a wounded Russian will wait for an opportunity to retaliate against Japan, and Japan will then have to get closer to our country to resist Russian pressure. Then Japan will regard the interests of the Anglo-Japanese Alliance as its greatest interest."

However, if Russia is completely crippled in the Far East, then Japan will no longer need the Anglo-Japanese Alliance to maintain the balance of power in East Asia. We will no longer be able to regulate Japan's actions through Russia and the Anglo-Japanese Alliance, and Japan's actions will become unpredictable. This is by no means a good sign for our country, which intends to shrink its power in East Asia.

The standoff between Russia and Japan also benefits our interests in China. Once this standoff disappears, my country will become the target of hostility from all powers in East Asia. Given the current unfriendly attitude of the Chinese people towards my country, if our forces withdraw from East Asia, it's hard to guarantee that another war won't break out…”

The other war Minister Grey referred to was actually an implication that China might attack Britain. After the Chinese invasion of India, the once-mighty Ottoman Empire, considered by Europe to be the pinnacle of East Asia, seemed to be experiencing a resurgence. The connections Britain had painstakingly cultivated within the Qing court were now completely eroding its control over the country as the Qing dynasty's faction and Manchu influence were purged.

Meanwhile, local Chinese powers, represented by Wuhan, were demanding that the foreign powers return control of the customs service. After the Second Opium War, the foreign powers established the Customs Service for the Qing Dynasty. During the Taiping Rebellion, Britain formally controlled the Chinese customs service. After the Boxer Protocol, Britain completely controlled the flow of customs duties in China, turning the Chinese customs service into a subordinate agency of London.

This process was actually exactly the same as the British colonization of the Indian subcontinent. However, the Indian subcontinent was not a complete unified dynasty. Therefore, when the British controlled the overseas trade of the Indian subcontinent, it did not arouse nationalistic sentiments among Indians. On the contrary, some Indian intellectuals were grateful to the British for bringing an advanced and incorruptible political system, which helped Indian merchants get rid of the exploitation of greedy officials and local tyrants.

Although such intellectuals exist in China, there are also many more nationalists. These nationalists view the control of the customs by foreigners as a loss of national rights. Therefore, even if the foreign officials in the customs are more honest than Chinese officials, it cannot arouse their gratitude. On the contrary, it further stimulates the anti-imperialist sentiments of these Chinese.

The recovery of control over the concessions and customs after the Wuhan Mutiny signified the rise of Chinese nationalists. The British initially supported the Qing government's suppression of the rebellion in Wuhan; however, Britain was then embroiled in conflict with China over Tibet. British support for the Qing government ironically spurred Chinese support for Wuhan. Furthermore, German aid to Wuhan prevented Britain from immediately assisting Beijing in suppressing the rebellion, thus triggering a series of subsequent events.

Today, Wuhan has become the most powerful local force in China. Even Yuan Shikai, the successor of Li Hongzhang favored by the British, could not contend with this force. In the war against Russia, Wuhan also showed surprising capabilities, which means that the Chinese people can no longer tolerate the era in which the great powers point fingers at them.

If the Indian subcontinent were still peaceful, the British might have considered using force to protect their interests in China. However, faced with the rising Indian national liberation movement, the British could not act rashly.

Moreover, with India and China's resistance against Europe, Muslim communities in Egypt and the Near East began to experience a resurgence of nationalism. In some areas, Egyptians even celebrated Japan's occupation of Vladivostok. Clearly, the Egyptians were not celebrating Japan's victory over Russia, but rather the victory of the yellow race over the white race.

Therefore, Secretary Edward Gray believed that the war in the Far East should come to an end. After the Japanese destroyed the main force of the Russian-reinforced Second Pacific Fleet, Britain should no longer support Japan in continuing the war. Furthermore, the issue between Britain and China had to be resolved; further delay would only entangle Britain in the Indian question, preventing it from fully committing to any endeavor, as the Indian question was like a bomb that could explode at any moment.

Minister Gray's proposals not only gained support in the cabinet, but also unexpectedly received support from some Conservative and Labour parties in Parliament. These MPs believed that the "Moli-Minto Reform Plan" and the "Moli-Lin Agreement" were the best options for resolving the Indian problem at present. The former eased the Indian people's dissatisfaction with the colonial power, while the latter defined the strategic border between India and China, ensuring that there would be no border conflicts between the two sides in the short term.

Of course, these members of parliament skipped over the economic cooperation part of the plan and agreement. In the past, they had been plundering money from the Indian people to satisfy the desires of London's upper class. This time, they were plundering money from the British people to appease the Indian upper class. However, after being resold, the money flowed back to London's bankers and capitalists.

However, the negotiations between Britain and China were divided into two parts: one was on the border between India and China, which was confirmed in the "Molly-Lin Agreement"; the other was on the adjustment of Sino-British relations, which was conducted in Beijing.

During the negotiations in Beijing, the Chinese raised three main issues with Britain. The first was that Britain acknowledge that its invasion of Tibet was an invasion of China and provide compensation. The second was to reclaim control of customs and the power to set tariffs, and to revise the Sino-British agreement to remove unequal clauses. The third was to reclaim the municipal administration of the concessions in Beijing and Tianjin, as well as the leased territory of Weihaiwei.

The reason why negotiations between Britain and China have been slow to progress is that British diplomats believe that the Chinese are asking for too much. They do not believe that the Chinese are entitled to demand so much power from the British Empire. Therefore, they have been waiting for the Chinese to suffer a setback in India or for the Russians to achieve a great victory on the battlefield, so that they will have to give up these unrealistic ideas.

However, it was the British, not the Chinese, who suffered repeated setbacks on the Indian side. After Japan joined the war, the Russians' performance on the battlefield made it seem as if they could no longer expect any major victories. Only then did the British lower their stance and seriously discuss the adjustment of relations between the two sides with Beijing.

The British have consistently refused to acknowledge that their actions in Tibet constituted an invasion. Although they accept Beijing's assertion that Tibet is part of China and agree to compensate the Tibetan people, they still do not recognize that they invaded Tibet.

On the second question, the UK emphasized the series of positive effects that British officials serving as customs officers had on Chinese customs, and stated that the Chinese themselves could not operate such an efficient and incorruptible agency.

However, Qin Lishan, who attended as a representative to Congress, pointed out that the income of foreign customs officers accounted for nearly 14% of the customs revenue. If the various expenses of the customs are added, then the expenditures of the customs office reach more than one-fifth of the customs revenue. The so-called integrity is merely the formalization of corrupt practices. He also cited the history of the British customs service, stating that the British customs service was corrupt from the beginning, and only after the British government formalized corruption did they achieve their current so-called integrity. Therefore, this kind of integrity is nothing to be proud of.

Qin Lishan also pointed out that British customs officials colluded with British merchants to include a large number of goods in the duty-free range, resulting in an actual tax rate of only 6 to 7 percent at Tianjin Customs, far lower than the average tax rate of 11 to 13 percent negotiated between my country and other countries. Isn't this the biggest corruption? In addition, customs officials embezzled Chinese assets, such as the Kaiping Mining Bureau, and their misdeeds are numerous.

The British quickly realized that these negotiations were different from their past diplomatic efforts. Wuhan published every negotiation in the newspapers, which severely damaged Britain's reputation. Under Chinese media coverage, Britain was portrayed as robbers and thieves, which angered some British businessmen in China. They complained to London, asking why the theft of wealth by a few Jews and Americans in China was being attributed to British businessmen. British goods faced boycotts in China, and the operating costs for British businesses in the country continued to rise. We are paying the price for a group of foreigners.

At this urging, British diplomacy toward China was rapidly advanced. The London court decided to retry the case of the fraudulent sale of the Kaiping Mining Bureau, but the British privately advised Yuan Shikai to settle with the Molin Company and repurchase the Kaiping Mining Bureau himself. In addition, Britain intended to return the leased territory of Weihaiwei in exchange for concessions from China on regaining customs rights. The negotiations between China and Britain finally entered into substantive discussions.

Chapter 439 India's Peace

Britain accelerated its efforts to withdraw its global influence, with India being the first to be affected. Morley returned to London at the end of December. Before he left India, Governor-General Minto announced the abandonment of the partition plan for Bengal and recognized the autonomy of the three northeastern states. He also indicated that an Indian Advisor would be added to the Council of Councillors, and that the Legislative Council of India would be given the power to oversee the budget of the British Indian government.

Governor Minto's declaration initially gained the support of the Indian National Congress and the Muslim League. Pro-British figures in these parties believed that the Indian nation had achieved victory and that it was time to enter a period of peaceful change. They opposed the continued violent protests by nationalists across the country and all protest rallies that violated the law. They believed that such violent actions that disrupted social order would not bring true happiness to the Indian nation, but would only bring greater misfortune to the Indian people.

The views of these pro-British intellectuals received strong support from the landowning class. Compared to the land revolution movement launched by the Labour Party of India, which was turning the nationalist movement into a class struggle, these landowning classes preferred to reconcile with the British. After all, the British only wanted money, while the incited peasants wanted not only money but also their lifeline—their land.

Therefore, by 1907, the call for reconciliation had become the mainstream of Indian public opinion. The newspapers controlled by the Indian National Congress no longer defended the peasant movements that were constantly emerging in various places. Instead, they began to call on peasants to reach peaceful agreements with landowners and not to infringe on the property and personal safety of landowners by means of violating the law.

The newspapers controlled by the Muslim League sided entirely with the British Indian government and the landowning class, taking a highly critical stance towards the land revolution movement. They argued that the relationship between landowners and peasants was like that between parents and children; even if parents used corporal punishment to discipline their children, it was only to guide them onto the right path, not to oppress or exploit them. Peasants should not be misled into using violence to confront landowners, as this was despicable and immoral.

Under the combined suppression of these pro-British intellectuals and the landowning class, peasant movements across India gradually subsided, which also led some Indian nationalists to further recognize the true nature of the landowning class. However, no matter how much they refuted the absurd claims of these pro-British elements and the landowning class, most Indian peasants ultimately found it difficult to hear their voices.

As Lin Xinyi had predicted, the situation in India deteriorated. After the British made concessions to the Indian upper class, these individuals immediately betrayed the lower and middle classes, causing the revolution to decline from its peak. Of course, because the revolutionaries possessed their own armed forces, they retained some of the revolution's gains; at least the three northeastern free states gained considerable autonomy.

Lin Xinyi's vision of shifting to a peaceful construction phase also garnered support from a segment of the Indian bourgeoisie and intellectuals, thus ensuring that the Labour Party of India maintained its control over the autonomy of the three northeastern states.

After spending some time exploring the Northeast region, Motilal Nehru had several conversations with Lin Xinyi and ultimately decided to accept the appointment of the People's Committee of India as Minister of the Indian Industrial Council.

Nehru's friends were somewhat surprised by his choice, as Nehru, a highly accomplished lawyer, had always advocated for the rule of law. Simply put, his proposition was to replace the colonial laws enacted by the British, which he believed hindered the spirit of justice, with comprehensive laws tailored to the realities of Indian society. He aimed to first achieve legal independence for India, and then extend this spirit of independence to all aspects of Indian society, ultimately achieving India's independence or, in other words, its equal status with Britain under the British Empire.

Nehru did not provide a perfect explanation for his friends' questions, but he firmly stated that he had not deviated from his pursuit of the rule of law. He explained that India needed an industrial base more than anything else, which was why he was willing to devote himself to this work first.

However, in private, he always remembered his private discussions with Lin Xinyi about the rule of law. After inspecting the rural areas in Northeast China, Nehru believed that the land revolution had indeed brought about different changes to the Indian countryside. The first thing that could be seen with the naked eye was the change in the expressions of the villagers. As a lawyer, he was naturally familiar with rural life, because most lawsuits in India were related to land disputes.

Therefore, he was well aware of how timid and humble ordinary people were in front of landlords in rural India. Even if the landlords openly insulted the common people, they would only kneel on the ground and beg for mercy, without daring to show any dissatisfaction. This was because angering the landlords would only bring greater misfortune to their families. It would be very difficult for a family that had been driven out of the village by the landlords to find another village to take them in.

In the villages of Northeast China after the land reform, the villagers' faces were filled with joyful smiles. They no longer needed to fear anyone, for they had become the masters of their own land, and no one could drive them away. After interacting with them, Motilal Nehru felt that these villagers were full of hope for the future and possessed the dignity of a human being. Such people were clearly no longer capable of being anyone's slaves.

As a supporter of British values, Nehru believed that this was precisely the kind of independent Indians that an independent India needed. Only Indians with such a strong sense of independence could truly make India a great independent nation. Therefore, he conceived the idea of ​​joining the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and wanted to contribute to its cause.

However, Nehru at the time still viewed the People's Committee of India with a condescending and scrutinizing attitude. He believed that although the People's Committee of India was doing a good job, it lacked a sound legal concept. Therefore, the policies it implemented seemed somewhat contradictory and could not establish a sound legal system, making it difficult for the public to judge whether their behavior complied with the law.

However, his superior attitude was shattered during their first meeting. Lin Xinyi simply asked him one question: "Such a perfect law, who should protect it?"

Nehru was initially stumped by this question. In his view, the law was meant to protect the people, and the law itself was power. Who could defend a power? However, he quickly realized his mistake: the law was merely a part of the state apparatus. If the state apparatus lost its ability to rule by force, then it could no longer enforce the laws it had created.

The best proof of this is what is happening in India today. The British Indian government attempted to elevate the partition of Bengal to national law, but this law ultimately failed due to armed resistance from the Indian people. And the land reform bill issued by the People's Committee, although not recognized by the British Indian government,

However, the People's Committee, relying on the violence at its disposal, still managed to enforce the law in the northeastern region.

This conversation led Nehru to reflect on his own concept of the rule of law. Through subsequent dialogues with Lin Xinyi, he finally corrected his understanding, realizing that before discussing the rule of law, the transformation of Indian society must be completed first. In contemporary India, without a comprehensive reform, the rule of law society he sought would lack a solid social foundation for implementation.

Mohdal Nehru's choice to join the People's Council of India (PCH) as an independent rather than accept the Congress Party's invitation shocked some Westernized Indian intellectuals, because for them, the PCH was not a true government; the British Indian government was the real government.

The British Indian government's courting of the Congress Party gave the Congress Party more opportunities for advancement within the government. Therefore, joining the Congress Party at this time meant that Nehru could truly enter the upper echelons of the British Indian government, which had been the greatest dream of Indian intellectuals in the past.

Mohdal Nehru declined the Congress Party's invitation and joined the People's Committee of India, which meant that he had offended a part of the British Indian government. If the People's Committee of India were to decline in the future, he would naturally be held accountable for it.

Of course, at this point, the British Indian government could only make a note of these prominent figures who cooperated with the Labour Party and deal with them later. At least for the time being, the two sides maintained a facade of harmony, and the British Indian government even released a group of nationalist radicals to celebrate the agreement.